ABSTRACT. Sexism Online – Emotional Responses to Ambivalent Sexism on Instagram

Social media has become more and more prevalent in the lives of especially younger generations (mpfs, 2020). Even though social media platforms as well as countries have certain regulations against a variety of harmful and discriminating content, sexism in social media contexts is not a rare occurrence (Felmlee et al., 2020). Considering the plethora of studies indicating a number of adverse effects of sexism online and offline (e.g., Adams et al., 2006; Fox et al., 2015) this is an important concern to be addressed. However, sexism can take many forms and is not always limited to hostile sexism that is easily recognizable, but can also occur in the form of benevolent sexism, including online contexts (Jha & Mamidi, 2017). This form of sexism can be perceived a lot more ambivalently and thus be significantly harder to identify; it may even be interpreted in a positive manner (Hopkins-Doyle et al., 2019). Studies however show that this form of sexism can be harmful as well (e.g., Dardenne et al., 2007; Viki & Abrams, 2002). Women are more often recipients of both forms of sexism than men and women can react with significant negative emotions to both hostile and benevolent sexism and may be more able to recognize both forms of sexism (Bosson et al., 2010). Given this, it is hardly surprising that research also finds that men and women react differently to hostile and benevolent sexism (Greenwood & Isbell, 2002). As social media has become such a relevant context for sexism to occur, the aim of this study is to investigate whether these findings apply to sexism in social media contexts. Since sexist attitudes can significantly influence reactions to sexism (e.g., Thomas & Esses, 2004), this study also investigates the influence benevolent and hostile sexist attitudes have on the reactions to sexist social media posts.

Following this, our main research questions are:

1. A) How do people of different genders react emotionally to hostile and benevolent sexism in social media contexts?

1. B) Do hostile and benevolent sexist attitudes moderate these reactions?

2. A) How reliably do people of different genders recognize hostile and benevolent sexism in social media contexts?

2. B) Do hostile and benevolent sexist attitudes moderate how sexist the posts are perceived?

497 participants (regular social media users, at least 18 years of age) were recruited for an online questionnaire and were randomly assigned to either a neutral, hostile sexist or benevolent sexist content group. Each group was shown five supposed Instagram posts with content corresponding to the assigned group. Emotional reactions to the posts were measured using the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS, Watson et al., 1988) before and after the exposure to the social media posts. A visual analogue scale from “not at all sexist” to “very sexist” was presented with every post in order to measure to which extent the post was perceived as sexist. Hostile and benevolent sexist attitudes were recorded using the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI, Glick & Fiske, 1996).

ABSTRACT.  

ABSTRACT. Theoretical Background: The increasing accessibility to mobile devices with internet capability enables individuals to use online communication and social networks almost anytime and anywhere. The characteristics of social network use can have favorable but also unfavorable effects on humans and social interaction. Social networks offer a wealth of opportunities to keep track of other people’s lives and provide users with suggestions for potential new social contacts and upcoming events. Besides positive outcomes, this triggers social comparison processes which can cause negative affective states, such as envy, dissatisfaction, or fear of missing out (FoMO). Also, the broad availability coupled with the gratification of social interaction and affirmation can foster addictive usage patterns (Salehan & Negahban, 2013). Furthermore, online social interaction offers more distant, more anonymous, and less direct social contact compared to face-to-face communication, which is convenient especially for shy and socially anxious individuals. However, this can lead to less commitment in social interaction. Some individuals appear to have a tendency toward last-minute cancellations, which potentially gets facilitated through online communication. According to a representative survey (lastminute.de, 2012), one in two adult Europeans (54%) cancels appointments with family and friends if alternatives that supposedly yield greater benefits arise at short notice – a behavior named “social zapping”. The phenomenon has been reported in various popular media, however, scientific consideration of the subject is still in its infancy.

Research Questions: It might be assumed that social zapping is an expression of an ongoing search for the "most rewarding" social experience for which the individual postpones and cancels other appointments at short notice. Thus, it might be related to the fear of missing out (on something better) as well as to maximizing and decisional procrastination tendencies. It can be considered as antisocial behavior following a self-serving interest at the expense of others, which is why we assume “dark” personality characteristics to play a role in this context. Our overarching research questions were: 1) How can social zapping behavior be characterized? 2) Is social zapping behavior related to (addiction-like) social network use? 3) What are common predictors of and mechanisms behind this relationship?

Methodological approach: We addressed our research questions in three empirical studies. Study 1 addressed potential predictors of social zapping behavior including maximization and procrastination tendencies as well as FoMO, “dark triad”, and impulsivity traits. Besides validated questionnaires, we used the newly developed Social Zapping Scale. The hypotheses were tested using hierarchical regression analyses. Study 2 investigated relationships between personality characteristics (maximization and procrastination), social zapping, and state FoMO on tendencies toward addiction-like social network use. The resulting data was analyzed using structural equation modeling. Study 3 investigated further relationships and possible common predictors of social zapping and social network use with special focus on the need to belong.

ABSTRACT. Moods are temporal affective states that can be altered by media usage. From the perspective of mood management theory, mood repair is facilitated when using media with dimensions that counterbalance noxious moods. Prior work on video games demonstrated that when holding other components constant, there is (a) a curvilinear association between increased intervention potential and resultant mood repair in which mood repair was highest when controller schemes were moderately demanding and (b) that bored individuals benefitted more from increased demand than stressed individuals. The current study replicates these findings while extending them to VR video gaming, predicting arguing that the added physical and cognitive demands of VR facilitate mood repair for bored players but further disrupt mood repair for stressed players.

ABSTRACT. Concerns regarding the possible negative effects of violent video games on adolescents, especially on increased aggressive behavior, remain a topic of academic and public debate. A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies indicated that playing violent video games could be a risk factor for increased aggressive behavior in adolescents over time (Prescott et al., 2018). However, violent video games may also affect young players in more subtle and indirect ways, for example, by modulating cognitive and emotional processes in the brain.

            Given that adolescence is a sensitive period for social and cognitive development, teenagers may be especially susceptible to the effect of violent video games. One of the social skills that play a vital role in social interactions and which develop through adolescence is empathy for pain (Mella et al., 2012). It evokes emotional reactions such as distress or compassion when observing another person's suffering and triggers adequate behavioral reactions, for example, comforting and helping (Goubert et al., 2009). A recent study on adults indicated that exposure to violent video games could desensitize empathy for pain brain responses (Miedzobrodzka et al., in press). However, until now, the possible effects of violent video gaming on adolescents’ empathy for pain in the brain were unstudied. A promising way to investigate it is an application of event-related potentials (ERPs) approach which allow to study electrophysiological brain responses associated with the processing of sensory input.

            Based on our pre-registration (https://aspredicted.org/blind.php?x=wu33f5), we tested whether habitual and short-term violent video game exposure (VVGE) may desensitize young gamers, which would be reflected in lower ERP amplitudes to painful pictures. We expected painful pictures to elicit higher ERP amplitudes than non-painful pictures, reflecting the pain effect (H1). Habitual VVGE would be related to lower ERP amplitudes to painful pictures, indicating habitual desensitization (H2). Playing a violent video game was expected to result in lower ERP amplitudes to painful pictures as compared to before the game condition, indicating short-term desensitization (H3). Habitual VVGE was expected to moderate the effects of short-term exposure to a violent game on ERP amplitudes to painful pictures (H4).

            We tested at a university lab fifty-six boys (aged 12-16) who filled in a survey measuring habitual VVGE. Next, they were connected to the electroencephalogram (EEG; 64 electrodes, Biosemi). They performed the pain judgement task (Meng et al., 2012) as a baseline EEG measurement. The task involved categorizing pictures of hands as either painful or non-painful during EEG recording. Next, participants played a violent video game (Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 3) for 40 min. Immediately after, they answered six questions regarding gameplay experience, followed by the second pain judgement task with EEG measurement.

            The study was executed in a quasi-experimental mixed design: Time (pre-game vs. post-game) x Pain (painful vs. non-painful picture) x habitual VVGE (between-participants moderator). The dependent variables were average amplitudes of two ERP components: P300 and LPP, which usually could be observed as a positive deflection occurring approx.. 300-500ms and 400-800ms, respectively, after a stimulus onset (Coll, 2018).